Preface | p. xi |
The Concerns of This Book | p. xii |
Difficulties in Studying the Presidency | p. xiii |
Notes | p. xv |
Acknowledgments | p. xvii |
The Selection Process | p. 1 |
Presidential Selection: A Historical Overview | p. 1 |
The Nominating Function | p. 3 |
Who Contends? Who Is Nominated? | p. 6 |
Legal Criteria | p. 6 |
Informal Criteria | p. 7 |
Criticisms of the Presidential Nominating Process | p. 14 |
The Problem of Length | p. 14 |
Early Eliminations | p. 16 |
The Problem of Quality Control | p. 18 |
Proposals for Change | p. 20 |
Primary/Caucus Clusterings | p. 20 |
National Primary | p. 21 |
Party Elite Selection | p. 22 |
Notes | p. 23 |
The President and Foreign Affairs | p. 26 |
Some General Considerations: The Two Presidencies | p. 26 |
The War-Making Power | p. 31 |
The Intent of the Founders | p. 31 |
Presidential War | p. 33 |
Congress Reacts: The War Powers Resolution | p. 38 |
The War Powers Resolution in Action | p. 39 |
Treaties and Executive Agreements | p. 47 |
Executive Agreements | p. 49 |
Congress Reacts: The Case Act (1972) | p. 50 |
The CIA and Foreign Policy | p. 51 |
Foreign Aid and Trade | p. 56 |
The Swing of the Pendulum | p. 60 |
Notes | p. 63 |
The President and Congress | p. 67 |
The President and Congress: A Strained Relationship | p. 68 |
Separation of Powers | p. 68 |
Structure of Congress | p. 68 |
Different Constituencies | p. 69 |
Erosion of Support | p. 70 |
Lessening or Worsening the Antagonism: Intervening Factors | p. 71 |
Nature of the Times | p. 71 |
Public Prestige | p. 71 |
Legislative Leadership Style | p. 72 |
Party Control | p. 79 |
The Ascendancy of the President as Legislator | p. 82 |
Congressional Reassertion | p. 85 |
Budget Enforcement Act (1990) | p. 91 |
Tools and Tactics of Presidential Persuasion | p. 91 |
Status Conferral | p. 91 |
Legislative Assistance | p. 92 |
Programs, Projects, and Patronage | p. 92 |
The Veto Power | p. 94 |
Campaign Assistance | p. 96 |
Appeal to the Public | p. 96 |
The Quest for Information: The President, Congress, and Executive Privilege | p. 97 |
The Ultimate Confrontation: Impeachment | p. 102 |
The Impeachment Process | p. 102 |
Impeachable Offenses | p. 103 |
The Impeachment Instrument: An Evaluation | p. 105 |
The Problem of Deadlock | p. 109 |
Proposals for Change | p. 111 |
Notes | p. 113 |
President, Public, and Press | p. 118 |
Public Attitudes toward the Office: Pre-Watergate | p. 119 |
The Importance of the Office | p. 119 |
The Office as an Object of Trust and Respect | p. 120 |
Attitudes about the Power of the Presidency | p. 123 |
The Public's Attitudes toward the Individual | p. 125 |
The Inevitable Decline in Support | p. 125 |
The Interplay of Public Attitudes toward the Individual and the Office: The Case of Watergate | p. 138 |
Presidential Efforts to Influence Public Opinion | p. 142 |
The Media as Facilitators of Presidential Influence | p. 143 |
The Media as Complicators of Presidential Influence | p. 152 |
An Antipresidency Bias | p. 161 |
Possible Consequences of Media Negativism | p. 163 |
Presidential Responses | p. 165 |
Conclusion | p. 166 |
Notes | p. 166 |
The President and the Bureaucracy | p. 171 |
The Power of Appointment | p. 173 |
Kinds of Choices | p. 173 |
Number of Choices | p. 174 |
Federal Regulatory Agencies | p. 177 |
Political Appointees: The Problem of "Going Native" | p. 178 |
Political Appointees: The Problem of Getting Them in Place | p. 181 |
Reorganization | p. 182 |
On the Need to Reorganize | p. 183 |
Difficulties of Reorganization | p. 184 |
Central Clearance | p. 189 |
The End Run | p. 190 |
Other Limitations on Presidential Control | p. 192 |
Size and Complexity | p. 192 |
Lack of Clarity in Presidential Intent | p. 193 |
Attempts at Greater Control over the Bureaucracy: The Cases of Nixon and Reagan | p. 194 |
Nixon | p. 194 |
A Change in Approach | p. 196 |
The Results | p. 197 |
Reagan | p. 198 |
The Results | p. 201 |
Notes | p. 203 |
Decision Making in the White House | p. 206 |
The Participants | p. 206 |
The Cabinet | p. 207 |
Cabinet Member Influence | p. 210 |
Reagan and Cabinet Government | p. 211 |
The Executive Office of the President | p. 213 |
National Security Council | p. 214 |
Council of Economic Advisers | p. 219 |
Office of Management and Budget | p. 220 |
Domestic Policy Council | p. 221 |
National Economic Council | p. 224 |
The White House Staff | p. 224 |
The White House Staff and the Problem of Presidential Isolation | p. 226 |
Staff Organization | p. 227 |
Staff Attitudes toward the President | p. 232 |
The President's Attitude toward Staff | p. 234 |
Outside Advisers | p. 237 |
Notes | p. 239 |
Five Cases in Presidential Decision Making | p. 243 |
Five Cases in Presidential Decision Making | p. 245 |
The Bay of Pigs Invasion | p. 245 |
The Cuban Missile Crisis | p. 250 |
The Vietnam War | p. 254 |
The Iran-Contra Affair | p. 261 |
Shoe Import Quotas | p. 269 |
Maximizing the Flow of Information to the President | p. 273 |
Notes | p. 276 |
The Presidency and Emergency Powers | p. 280 |
The Founders, the Constitution, and Emergency Powers | p. 282 |
On the Necessity for Emergency Powers | p. 283 |
On the Necessity for Safeguards | p. 284 |
Essential Safeguards | p. 284 |
Emergency Powers and the Courts | p. 289 |
Recent Congressional Action on Emergencies | p. 295 |
Notes | p. 296 |
Personality and the Presidency | p. 298 |
Conditions Conducive to the Expression of Personality | p. 298 |
Analysis of Presidential Personality | p. 299 |
Barber's Analysis | p. 300 |
Lyndon Johnson as an Active-Negative | p. 302 |
Johnson's Youth | p. 302 |
Johnson Enters Politics | p. 304 |
Worldview and Style | p. 305 |
The Johnson Presidency | p. 307 |
Richard Nixon as an Active-Negative | p. 310 |
Nixon's Youth | p. 310 |
Nixon Enters Politics | p. 313 |
Worldview and Style | p. 314 |
The Nixon Presidency | p. 317 |
Franklin Roosevelt as an Active-Positive | p. 321 |
Roosevelt's Youth | p. 321 |
Entry into Politics; Worldview and Style | p. 322 |
The Roosevelt Presidency | p. 323 |
Ronald Reagan: An Imperfect Passive-Positive | p. 326 |
Reagan's Youth | p. 326 |
Worldview and Style | p. 327 |
Reagan and the Presidency | p. 329 |
Personality Qualities Suitable to the Presidency | p. 333 |
The Case of Jimmy Carter | p. 335 |
Predicting Presidential Personalities | p. 337 |
Notes | p. 339 |
Presidential Leadership | |
Evaluating Presidential Leadership: The Problems | p. 348 |
Achievement Is in the Eye of the Beholder | p. 348 |
The Situational Problem | p. 348 |
The Problem of Perspective | p. 350 |
The Matter of Unanticipated Consequences | p. 351 |
Achievement versus Agenda Setting | p. 352 |
The Matter of Who Gets Credit | p. 353 |
Qualities of Leadership | p. 354 |
Empathy with the Public | p. 354 |
An Ability to Communicate | p. 355 |
Credibility | p. 358 |
A Sense of Timing | p. 359 |
Courage | p. 362 |
Decisiveness | p. 364 |
Vision | p. 365 |
Flexibility | p. 367 |
A Sense for Power | p. 369 |
Conclusion | p. 372 |
Notes | p. 373 |
The Vice Presidency | p. 375 |
Vice-Presidential Selection | p. 375 |
Reforming Vice-Presidential Selection | p. 379 |
The Problem of Vice-Presidential Responsibilities | p. 381 |
Constitutional and Statutory Responsibilities | p. 382 |
Presidential Assignments | p. 383 |
The Carter-Mondale Precedent | p. 386 |
Reagan and Bush | p. 387 |
Bush and Quayle | p. 388 |
The Clinton-Gore Precedent | p. 389 |
Reforming the Vice Presidency | p. 390 |
Notes | p. 392 |
Index | p. 394 |
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